Engaging youth in politics/civil society
Charles Tan
Youths and students start some of the world’s most famous revolutions.
The Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China between 1966 – 1976 where Mao promoted a cult leadership; freed the students from school and brainwashed them into zealous infamous red guards was pre empted with campaigns such as “Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom” and “The Great Leap Forward”. More than a decade later, in 1989, China witnessed another shake-up in which students and intellectuals go on hunger strikes, demanding for democracy. It would be met with harsh retaliation from the Chinese Communist Party - declaration of martial law, rolling in tanks, leading to deaths, detention and subsequent exile of student leader spokespersons including Wang Dan, Wu er Kai Xi and Wei Jing Sheng.
Across the straits, in a few months time, the Taiwan Lily Student Movement in March 1990, saw the participation of enthusiastic students who demanded constitutional reforms, parliamentary elections, a fully elected legislature, and the revision of Criminal Code which was passed to restrict political expression in substitution of martial law. Their actions were supported by Taiwanese public who congregated in silence at the Chiang Kai Shek memorial.
In Indonesia, the 1998 reformasi movement was sparked off by the death of 6 students in Triskati University, Jakarta, ultimately leading to the collapse of the corrupted Suharto regime.
The sacking and detention of Malaysia’s Deputy Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim in September 1998 who then had differences in economic issues with Mahathir; People Power I and II in Philippines were all popular movements within the region in recent years that included participation from university students and youths.
The demonstrators acted in defiance against an oppressive system and to right injustices they had seen or undergone. Though Anwar continues to be under detention, People Power in Philippines gained considerable results. The first People Power which was basically non-violent ended the Ferdinand Marcos dictatorship while People Power II in 2001 ousted Joseph Estrada, accused of major corruption.
Student uprisings in Europe have also been responsible in bringing historic changes to their own countries.
The famous movement in Paris on May 1968 was initially a student sit in meeting and protest in the University of Sorbornne against the explusion of their counterparts in Nanterre University. The riot police reacted with brutality against the students that soon gained support from the masses, leading to nationwide strikes and demonstrations by workers demanding for reforms against the conservative Charles De Gaulle leadership.
The Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, November 1989, overthrew the long standing Communist regime. Initially, Czech students had gathered legally to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the death of Jan Opletal, a student who was shot in a demonstration against the Nazis. The event turned out to be a demand for democratic reforms which was again met with police brutality. It again provoked support from worker unions leading to nationwide strikes.
1989 was the same year that saw the downfall of European communism in countries, beginning with the fall of the Berlin Wall prior to the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, which spread like wildfire to Romania, Poland and Hungary, effectively ending the cold war.
The youth movement in United States of America gained momentum by the mid 1960’s. Besides the emergence of hippies, the collective activity of young activists redefined the civil rights movement.
In 1960, a small group of young people formed Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and adopted The Port Huron Statement, written by student leader Tom Hayden. The manifesto urged participatory democracy, or the idea that all Americans, not just a small elite, should decide major economic, political, and social issues that shaped the nation. It criticized American society for its focus on career advancement, material possessions, military strength, and racism. By 1968 some 100,000 young people around the nation had joined SDS.
A year later, a coalition of student groups at the University of California, Berkeley, claimed the right to conduct political activities on campus; the coalition became known as the Free Speech Movement. Political activism and protests spread to other campuses in the 1960s.
The youth movement’s demonstrations soon merged with the protests of students who opposed the Vietnam War. By the spring of 1968, student protests had reached hundreds of campuses. At the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, antiwar demonstrators clashed with the police, and the images of police beating students shocked television audiences. Violence peaked at an antiwar protest at Ohio’s Kent State University in May 1970, when National Guard troops gunned down four student protesters.
These examples highlight several characteristics of student lead movements which I shall discuss. You are free to raise doubts later.
First and foremost, Revolutions or movements are neither inherently evil or good. It is merely one of the symptoms of society. It could be organized or not, often provoked by one or multiple external stimuli such as wars, increase in difficulty of an acceptable standard of living, or oppressive laws and regulations passed without any hindrance by a government. Ironically, demonstrations has been used by despotic dictators including the rise of fascism to raise national consciousness and patriotism.
These movements try to bring about important changes or to prevent an injustice being done. Sometimes, the effect is achieved. Even at times when it does not, it creates a dent against an existing rigid bureaucracy which paves the way towards future actions.
As I have mentioned earlier, just as the cultural revolution destroys homes, lives of intellectuals, art and literature collections and broke up families; the velvet revolution ends a communism dictatorship in Czechslovakia. Revolutions can topple oppressive regimes.
Because of the nature of demonstrations, governments are afraid of public gatherings which tries to gather support for a cause, sometimes creating a synergy that will spark off more public action. It is one of the fastest and most confrontational method of bringing about a momentous change.
Peaceful non-violent demonstrations are possible. More often than not, it is due to violence of the riot police that begets an equally provoked reaction from the students or public. Dictators declare martial law, call in riot police to create fear, pandemonium and create a false perception that demonstrations are unstable and detrimental to society.
Despite its confrontational nature, in engaging youth in politics, we must note that public gatherings such as peaceful marches, demonstrations and civil disobedience are some of the most effective tools in showing strength in numbers and unity; displeasure on policies passed by the government.
Its universality as a democratic tool reveals the stage of a country’s democratisation process. In Singapore, we are denied this right which even communist countries have been known to allow at times. This deprivation constitutes an assault to the very basic universal human right to congregate in a peaceful manner.
I would like to clarify that changes in the political and social arena can be achieved through other channels and methods including forums and debates; and that democracies in transitions and democracies are not necessarily attained through revolutions.
However, it is imperative that within the Singapore context, we need to acknowledge that we are essentially very backward democratically in terms of being a modern state.
We have been brainwashed over the years by the media and government into believing that demonstrations are aggressive, detrimental to social stability, untypical of Asian, reduce business and investor confidence, and affect tourism.
We have been warned that accepting a liberal form of governmental democracy is not only going to affect national productivity, our economy; but also destroy the basic fabric of our society as it will open the doors to more “western” evils ultimately corrupting the Asian values that we have guarded jealously over the years.
It is against all these propaganda hogwash that youths in civil society need to retaliate and work against. Not an easy job but nevertheless must be done.
We need to eliminate the parochial mindset that we can only achieve our goals by cooperating with authorities and within the accepted parameters as defined by the powers to be or pandering to social normative expectations.
This is a unfortunately a delusional concept because NGOs thrive on co-operation with other mutual groups, yet being fiercely independent to its cause with a dedicated commitment and support from its members. They should act as checks or third party groups in preventing authoritative abuse.
Hence, youths eager in entering politics, especially alternative or oppositional politics, must be wary of falling into the easily misled mindset of working within the accepted parameters. Certainly we cannot work within the definitions of a few elites or stated national goals.
We must be wary of practising self-censorship. All these will compromise and destroy the fundamental ideals and aims of what we want to achieve in the first place.
We need to be creative and consider adopting tools that have been proven effective in other countries when engaging in lobbying. The implication hence, is the need to hijack the current authoritarian approved feedback system.
It is obvious that in Singapore, many existing channels such as political or civil society forums are organized by the government or government related/ approved organizations. A balance, hence, is needed, to come from the ground. Youths and NGOs need to take the initiative in organising more large scale events that will help them accrue experience in garnering support.
There are many things that youths in Singapore can do to be more politically involved. All these can be done concurrently.
1.Keep themselves posted on current affairs. It is important that we read from various sources – left and rightist press and avoid using a “Singaporean” perspective and judgmental system.
2. Join an opposition party or volunteer for a NGO whose cause interests you. Learn how the organization works, affect changes and think of how you can improve the existing system.
3. Join an Opposition Party. I cannot stress how subversive it is just to be in one. I would like to appeal to youths who feel strongly about the need to bring about democracy in Singapore to join Young Democrats of Singapore as it is only one of the few OP that has a youth wing and is totally committed to achieving democracy in Singapore.
4. For those who believe that no existing organizations represent their interests, do something. Start small by looking for other like-minded individuals online, forming informal groups with well-written mission statements, clear and concise short term and long term goals.
5. Submit letters, essays, commentaries to papers, magazines, internet newsgroups if you feel strongly with regards to certain issues. Someone, somewhere is likely to pick it up. Do not let fear or rejection stop you from airing your opinion, no matter how radical it is. Besides, one learns how to articulate their thoughts better after much practice.
6. Networking. The lack of networking and inter-group co-operation in Singapore’s civil society is a major factor in the impediment of political advancement in Singapore. Networking, sharing of resources and experiences fosters a stronger and mutually trusting and beneficial civil society. I would like to appeal to present NGOs and Opposition Parties to come together and form a formal inter-NGO organization body, with stated aims to promote human rights and democracy in Singapore.
Youths in civil society and politics in Singapore have to bear in mind that it is not an easy job or a quick to fame path. Certainly, they have to be unapologetic and undeterred towards their cause.
It will be appropriate to end my speech by reading the lyrics to a song titled, “White Riot”, written by The Clash, a British punk rock band formed in the seventies, a socially and politically conscious outfit who reflected the youthful ideals and disenchantment of their time. I hope it will serve as an inspiration for the many of us present here.
This is a public service announcement
With guitar
Know your rights all three of them
Number 1
You have the right not to be killed
Murder is a crime!
Unless it was done by a
Policeman or aristocrat
Know your rights
And number 2
You have the right to food money
Providing of course you
Don’t mind a little
Investigation, humiliation
And if you cross your fingers
Rehabilitation
Know your rights
These are your rights
Wang
Know these rights
Number 3
You have the right to free
Speech as long as you’re not
Dumb enough to actually try it.
Know your rights
These are your rights
All three of ’em
It has been suggested
In some quarters that this is not enough!
Well..............................
Get off the streets
Get off the streets
Run
You don’t have a home to go to
Smush
Finally then I will read you your rights
You have the right to remain silent
You are warned that anything you say
Can and will be taken down
And used as evidence against you
Listen to this
Run
In italics, taken from, United States (History)," Microsoft® Encarta® Online Encyclopedia 2004 http://encarta.msn.com © 1997-2004 Microsoft Corporation. All Rights Reserved.
Some Recommended Reading on Singapore Politics:
Books/ Magazines
The New Democrat – a paper published by SDP
Your Future, My Faith, Our Freedom, A democratic blueprint for Singapore – Dr Chee Soon Juan
Dare to Change: An Alternative Vision for Singapore – Dr Chee Soon Juan
To be Free: Stories from Asia’s Struggle against Oppression - Dr Chee Soon Juan
Singapore: The Air-conditioned Nation, Essays on the politics of comfort and control 1999 – 2000 – Mr Cherian George
Parties and Politics: A Study of Opposition Parties and the PAP in Singapore – Mr Hussin Mutalib
Self- Censorship – Singapore’s Shame – Mr James Gomez
Internet Politics: Surveillance and Intimidation in Singapore – Mr James Gomez
To Catch a Tartar: A Dissident in Lee Kuan Yew’s Prison – Mr Francis T. Seow
The Media Enthralled: Singapore Revisited - Mr Francis T. Seow
Make it Right for Singapore: Speeches in Parliament, 1997 – 1999 – Mr J.B. Jeyaretnam
The Hatchet Man of Singapore - Mr J.B. Jeyaretnam
State Society Relations in Singapore – edited by Dr Gillian Koh and Dr Ooi Giok Ling
Online
Singapore Democratic Party
http://www.singaporedemocrat.org/
Singapore Window
http://www.singapore-window.org/
Think Centre
http://www.thinkcentre.org/
Sintercom
http://www.newsintercom.org/
Worker’s Party
http://www.wp.org.sg/
Association of Women for Action and Research
http://www.aware.org.sg/main/
People Like Us
http://www.plu-singapore.com/
NUS Students’ Political Association
http://www.nuspa.net/
Online Tools:
ACTUP Civil Disobedience PDF manual:
http://www.actupny.org/documents/CDdocuments/ACTUP_CivilDisobedience.pdf
