Parties and Politics
A Study of Opposition Parties and the PAP in Singapore
Hussin Mutalib
Review by Charles Tan
Mutalib, who is an associate professor for Department of Political Science in the National University of Singapore, has written a quintessential book about the history, current state and future prospects for Opposition Parties that are trying to be heard and taken seriously as they are constantly being challenged, intimidated and cajoled into submission by the one party state PAP government.
Parties and Politics is clear and concise; divided into easily read chapters for the amateur Singapore and foreign reader who are ignorant of our political history. Part 1 introduces the concept of Singapore’s political system and culture before delving into the historical context.
The bulk of his argument is hence in the middle, part 3; which he summarises the formative years, leadership and problems faced by 4 main Opposition parties he considers as more outstanding than the others.
Barisan Socialis, an offshoot of PAP, was a serious contender during the nation early years of independence as it is the only party in Singapore to have captured the most parliamentary seats. Its charismatic leaders had full support from Chinese students and activists who were accused to be communist sympathetic or pro communist. Because of the allegations, many in the party were arrested under the British imposed Public Security Ordinance, of whom they believed the Lee administration of colluding with. Now, it is commonly known as the Operation Cold Store.
Worker’s Party, which was formed and first lead by David Marshall, Singapore’s first Chief Minister during 1955-6, championed on worker’s right. Mutalib explains that the Party, under Marshall aims to be a “moderate” party between the then left-wing PAP and right-wing Labour Front government.
The party would be reinvigorated in 1971 under the leadership of lawyer J.B. Jeyaretnam. Its vigorous recruitment of professionals at that time, drew interest from the English educated. Worker’s Party also issued a 14 pt Manifesto which focused on a broad range of issues including introducing human rights and democracy to Singapore.
However, it is constantly attacked by the PAP during elections with regards to the choice of its electoral candidates, Francis Seow and Tang Liang Hong are respectively black marked by the government for tax evasion and promoting Chinese Chauvinism. JBJ was also sued by the party and forced to give up his NCMP seat because of bankruptcy over alimonies.
Singapore Democratic Party is a relatively new Party started by Mr Chiam See Tong, a teacher turned lawyer in 1980. SDP initially positioned itself as a party that does not oppose PAP for Opposition sake, but rather to promote democracy by introducing Opposition MPs into the parliament. Chiam would win his first election in Potong Pasir constituency in 1984.
Like other Opposition, SDP would face leadership problems. During the late 1990s, Dr Chee Soon Juan took over as Secretary General when an internal conflict arose between the members in the party.
As with other vocal critics, PAP tried to discredit Dr Chee by accusing him of misappropriating NUS funds; and claiming he is the kind of Opposition that Singapore cannot tolerate. The government would go on to sue the man for libel.
Singapore Malays National Organization (PKMS) is Singapore’s earliest political parties in Singapore; and most vocal in championing Malay rights. The formation of UMNO during colonial times led to a Singapore branch of Johor. After Singapore gained independence, the party had to change its name to PKMS under the directive of the government.
PKMS agrees with multiracialism but is inherently a Malay issues party as shown in its directives, statements and activities. The problems faced by PKMS includes gaining votes in a majority Chinese population and government tactics such as maintaining racial composition in HDB to prevent racial congregation; as such, preventing PKMS from hyping up Malay issues.
Mutalib explained the uphill task that Opposition faces against an incumbent PAP government; which has been in power since independence. As he explains, PAP wields enough enormous power for it constantly delivers economic results.
It is also guilty of changing the constitution at will, infiltrating its presence into grassroots, lording over the mass media, depowerising trade unions; among other factors.
He went on to predict the state of Opposition; which could be bleak because of PAP’s continued imposing power. The reverse could happen if Opposition gains more seats when the new DPM takes over Mr Goh; and internal conflicts arose.
It is applaudable that Muthalib has written a detailed book about Opposition, some of the problems that has plagued them; and highlighted the pitfalls of the system.
Yet, an indelible irony remains that there is an absolute refusal to scrutinise PAP; like many other academic publications, which adds to the myth of PAP as a all powerful administrative party.
Parties and Politics toes a very thin line between criticising the regime and trying to portray the Opposition as weak ineffectual organisations who are often limited and constrained by external factors.
The book does not paint PAP as a bureaucratic monstrous organization that is inscrutable in eliminating voices; but rather as one that tries to hold on to power and neutralize any challenging dissent.
It will most likely appeal to left of the centre readers but fall short of expectations for true Opposition.
Nevertheless, Muthalib has at least taken the effort and courage to map down the Sisyphean tasks for Opposition. What we lack now is an unbiased portrayal of the establishment.
